By Julia Kassem
In 2013 and again in 2015, during the height of the first large-scale counterinsurgency in Syria, martyred Hezbollah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah reminded the Arab and Muslim world—then awash in the hybrid warfare sweep of counterinsurgent propaganda—that if Damascus fell, the entire resistance axis would collapse.
The Israeli regime and the United States, through Turkey, pushed for a final concession from then-Syrian President Bashar al-Assad before orchestrating a meticulously choreographed plot to oust him: normalize relations with the Zionist entity or step down.
Turkey added its own demands, including acceptance of its military presence in northern Syria and the annexation of territories such as the Iskandaroun province.
When these demands were rejected, mutiny was ignited. False statements created confusion among Syrian soldiers, while many military generals were either bribed or openly persuaded to participate in a coup against Assad's democratically-elected government before Hayat Tahrir al-Sham reached Homs.
The five-year sweeping siege that followed created dire conditions for the Syrian Arab Army. Under crippling US sanctions, each Syrian soldier received only $30 a month as a salary and needed rehabilitation.
This opened a window for breakdown, corruption, defections and infiltration. Such vulnerabilities proved to be a significant liability for Assad and Syria's allies, to the extent that Assad reportedly declined Iranian offers for the Islamic Revolution Guards Corps (IRGC) to enter Syria, likely to avoid provoking Israeli strikes.
Israel had warned and threatened the Syrian government against such actions, according to reports.
Now, as the Syrian government has officially fallen, the Tel Aviv regime has moved to occupy Syrian territory twice the size of Gaza, in brazen violation of the 1974 agreement that required its withdrawal from Quneitra and Mount Hermon.
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Emboldened by Assad's ouster, the Israeli regime has advanced into Syrian territories, reaching Damascus and effectively occupying all of southern Syria under the cover of indiscriminate bombings.
The regime has also positioned itself along the southeast border, across from Lebanon’s Rachaya province. Violating the terms of its ceasefire with Lebanon multiple times, it prepares for further aggression, likely to face resistance at closer range from Hezbollah.
Occupying Mount Hermon and encircling more of Lebanon from the east, the Israeli regime seeks to isolate the Lebanese resistance. It aims to cut off supply routes from Syria to Lebanon and halt the transfer of weapons to Palestinian resistance factions, particularly in the occupied West Bank.
Following Syria’s fall to militant groups backed by the US and its allies, the Zionist entity bombed over 310 Syrian military and naval sites, warehouses, and airfields in two days, systematically destroying equipment and demilitarizing the Arab country.
This campaign ensures Syria remains defenseless, preventing weapons from falling into the hands of adversaries.
Remarkably, the so-called “Syrian opposition”—comprising militants from 91 nationalities, with only half being Arab—did not resist or condemn the Zionist aggression. Instead, their leader, Mohammad al-Jolani, stated that he was “not ready for war” with the Tel Aviv regime, choosing instead to target Hezbollah and the Iranian forces as directed by his backers.
Last week’s events have been totally dramatic in nature and took place at a rapid pace. Assad's exit is not great news for the resistance front but the front is also not dependent on individuals and entities.
As Leader of the Islamic Revolution Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei emphasized in his Wednesday speech, that pressure on the resistance breeds strength. Resistance cannot fade away. It only becomes stronger.
Those concerned about the future of resistance should seek opportunities amidst chaos and social breakdown, environments in which the resistance has historically flourished.
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For example, following the emergence of the Daesh terrorist group in Iraq, Hashd al-Shaabi emerged. In Yemen, the post-Arab Spring scramble for power strengthened the Ansarallah movement. Similarly, during Lebanon’s civil war and Israeli occupation, Hezbollah resistance rose to prominence.
Now blockaded on all sides except by land, Lebanon faces comparable challenges. However, the Lebanese resistance movement had been preparing for such scenarios for nearly two decades. The fact that the Israeli regime was forced to seek a ceasefire deal after nearly 70 days of unbridled aggression shows Hezbollah continues to be a force to reckon with.
The US-orchestrated 2005 color revolution, designed to sever ties between Syria and Lebanon, served as a warning for the Lebanese resistance to fortify its domestic capabilities.
Despite sieges on Gaza since 2006 and Yemen since 2015, both resistance movements have thrived, creatively utilizing old stockpiles and developing self-reliant domestic capabilities.
Under the leadership of martyred top anti-terror commander General Qassem Soleimani, various factions of the resistance axis enhanced their production capabilities and solidified regional interdependence.
Hezbollah, in particular, has demonstrated independence in drone and missile production. Its extensive underground stockpiles include Syrian missiles, making it one of the largest armies in the world.
In January, Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah remarked in a lighter vein that Hezbollah had so many self-produced missiles it could start selling them. Later, glimpses of massive Imad-4 precision rocket facilities were revealed, hinting at the scope of its arsenal.
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Hezbollah’s experience of blockades has prepared it for every eventuality, including isolation from Syria. In 2011, Takfiri terrorist forces aimed to sever supply routes from Iran through Syria into Lebanon, targeting Hezbollah’s weapons and Lebanon’s economic lifelines.
These routes provided essential resources like fuel and medicine during Lebanon’s economic crisis post-2019, which deprived the nation of medical care and electricity. The US-led destruction of Syria seeks to plunge the country and the region into total political and economic submission.
Despite these challenges, Hezbollah has consistently innovated its supply routes. Many of Syria’s weapons transfers to the resistance were secret or smuggled, and this will likely remain the status quo.
Assad remarked in 2011 that smuggling could not be stopped, noting Hezbollah’s access to the sea and Syria’s borders with Iraq. “Hezbollah is not under an embargo, they have the sea from one side and Syria, and Syria has Iraq on part of its border. You can’t stop smuggling even if you want," he remarked.
Hezbollah will continue to adapt, moving amidst chaos through both aboveground and underground routes.
While the presence of over 50 militant groups in Syria poses various challenges, their divisions and Israeli occupation also present opportunities to build resistance. As Ayatollah Khamenei stated, resistance grows stronger amidst oppression and occupation.
Leader of the Islamic Revolution recently cautioned against despair as well as underestimating the enemy. He acknowledged setbacks but reminded supporters that the resistance front is not a fragile entity.
“Resistance is a faith, a thought, a heartfelt and definite decision,” he said, emphasizing that pressure only strengthens it.
Julia Kassem is a Beirut-based writer and commentator, whose work appears in Press TV, Al-Akhbar, and Al-Mayadeen English, among others.
(The views expressed in this article do not necessarily reflect those of Press TV.)
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